Hälsningar från Genève där fred står på agendan i stort sett hela tiden men särskilt under en intensiv vecka i höst. Jag är på plats inbjuden av utrikesministeriet, tillsammans med lagtingsdirektör Carina Strand, ministerrådet Anton Nilsson och Ålands fredsinstituts direktör Susann Simolin, för att nämna några. Det är väldigt många fler här också, nyfikna på Ålandslösningen och hur den har utvecklats. Här finns såklart många vinklar. Jag valde denna i mitt tal som löd ungefär så här:
Autonomy identity and peace
A high-level discussion for the diplomatic community
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, there is a particular responsibility in speaking about Åland here in Geneva. Not to mention the pure joy in addressing such a knowledgeable audience on such a vital theme as peace on earth! And the possibility to praise a few of many unsung heroes of our history, the pioneers in the League of Nations, the predecessors to what would develop into the United Nations.
One hundred and five years ago, this city helped turn a dangerous dispute into a durable peace. Not by pretending that identity did not matter. Not by forcing one side to surrender its dignity. And not by waiting for everyone to agree.
The states represented in the League of Nations did something harder and bolder. They created a political arrangement in which several truths could live together, although it took sometimes for matters to settle and emotions to cool down.
Finland was granted sovereignty over Åland. The people of Åland received far-reaching self-government and guarantees for their Swedish language and culture. Sweden gained reassurance through the demilitarisation and neutralisation of the islands. And Europe avoided an open wound after a devastating world war.
It was not a perfect solution. It was not even a solution that made everyone happy. The Ålanders had asked to reunite with Sweden. Finland was a young nation determined to protect its territory. Sweden supported the islanders' wishes. By today’s standards, the people of Åland should also have had a stronger voice at the table.
Finland’s determination is understandable in its historical setting. After more than a century under Russian rule, including periods of Russification and repression, even civil war, the young republic had only recently won its independence in 1917. Sovereignty was not an abstract word to Finland. It was something painfully achieved and fiercely guarded.
Yet sovereignty alone did not settle the question. The League of Nations’s decision, the agreement between Finland and Sweden and the 1921 Convention placed the arrangement within international law. Finland received sovereignty but also accepted internationally guaranteed obligations. Åland received no statehood, but something more than an administrative exception: a distinct and internationally protected position. Finland’s price for Åland was both a promise to continue developing the autonomy of the islanders and a commitment to upholding the demilitarisation and neutralisation of the islands.
This was also part of a wider spirit of the age. After the terrible slaughter of the First World War, peace movements were strong and the League of Nations embodied a radical idea: that law and diplomacy could restrain power. That idea may, would you believe it, sound unfashionable today and that has to change. The only way forward is to make discussions, compromises and the Rule of Law great again. We have become very skilled at speaking about war. We need to recover the language of peace and yes, yes we can and this is another great start in order to accomplish that.
Let me thank the Permanent Mission of Finland, the Åland Islands Peace Institute and CMI – Martti Ahtisaari Peace Foundation – for bringing us together. Finland’s willingness to invite the diplomatic community to examine the achievements and the present-day challenges says something important about the strength of the partnership established 1922 with the promise of a never-ending evolution.
I speak as Speaker of the Parliament of Åland. Our parliament has thirty members. That may sound like a very manageable number. I can assure you that thirty elected Ålanders can produce a perfectly respectable amount of disagreement.
And that, in a way, is the point. Peace and development is not the absence of conflicts. Democracy is organised disagreement. Autonomy gives disputes a home, a language and a lawful way forward.
Today, Åland is home to almost 31.000 people. Swedish is our only official language, protected because its vulnerability in Finland. Yet more than forty per cent of our inhabitants are born elsewhere, with roots in more than one hundred countries. This is no contradiction. When an identity feels secure, it need not fear every new voice. Protection creates openness.
So what may 105 years of the Åland experience tell us today? I would offer five observations.
First, identity is serious. Language, culture, belonging and the right to shape everyday life are not footnotes to peace. They are at the very centre of the conflict. The Åland settlement worked because it addressed both territory and dignity. Finland’s sovereignty over Åland was recognised, but not as a licence to make everyone the same. The islanders were guaranteed real legislative powers, their own parliament, their own government and legal protection for their language and culture. Institutions that made a difference. An important symbol was, of course, the flag we chose in 1952, but that is never enough for an ambitious autonomy. Recognition and identity are also key factors.
Second, a durable settlement should avoid humiliation. In 1921, no party received everything it wanted. Yet each got something essential. Finland gained international confirmation of its sovereignty over the islands. Åland gained self-government, cultural and linguistic protection. Sweden gained greater security in its immediate neighbourhood. The international community gained proof that a territorial dispute could be transformed without war. This was not victory in the traditional sense. It was something wiser: a future in which no one needed to spend the next century preparing revenge. And it all took place here in Geneva, no wonder we all hear the sounds from the wings of history.
Third, good intentions need to be designed and that architecture must rest on international law. The Åland arrangement combines autonomy, minority protection, demilitarisation and neutralisation. It rests on decisions, conventions, domestic legislation, institutions, defined powers and procedures for resolving disputes. Remove one part, and the whole becomes weaker. Its legal position is strengthened not only by written treaties. More than a century of consistent state practice and recognition has also added a customary-law dimension. Governments have changed. Alliances have changed. Europe has changed. Yet the special status of Åland has endured. Time has not emptied the law of meaning. Practice has added weight to it. International law did not make Åland a state. But it ensured that Åland would no longer be merely an object passed between greater powers. It gave our community a standing of its own and supported the original ambition: that Åland should develop the strongest self-government possible without becoming an independent state.
Autonomy is therefore not simply an act of generosity. It is part of a settlement Finland undertook to uphold. Trust matters enormously. But trust without structure can vanish with the next election, the next crisis or the next leader. Law gives trust a memory.
Fourth, local responsibility is not a concession. It is an asset. The people closest to everyday problems understand them best. On Åland, we legislate on education, health care, culture, the environment, local government, policing and much more. We make decisions, collect experience, correct mistakes and live with the consequences. Self-government is not freedom from responsibility. It is responsibility brought closer to home.
And fifth, no peace settlement is ever finished. On Åland, we have learned that autonomy is less like a monument and more like a wooden boat. For those of you who never had the pleasure of owning a wooden boat, I can assure you that it’s a pleasure that involves a lot of work. It may be beautiful. It may be solid. It may cross rough seas. But it still needs maintenance. And if you ignore a small leak because it looks merely technical or bureaucratic, sooner or later everyone gets wet.
This is where I must speak with both gratitude and honesty.
The relationship between Åland and Finland is peaceful, close and, in many ways, strong. Finland has upheld the settlement for more than a century. Our cooperation is real. Our common interests are many. Åland remains committed to cooperating in a constructive manner, and Finland can rightly take pride in the Åland example. But loyalty is not asking for silence and friendship deserves honesty.
In recent years, it has become more difficult to develop the autonomy inside an administrative system largely designed for a unitary state. Political goodwill sometimes exists, although we more often nowadays face a less understanding environment in Helsinki; some would even call it paternalistic. Furthermore, the goodwill must survive its journey through ministries, legislation, digital systems, European processes and habits of centralising government.
Too often, autonomy is treated as an exception to administer rather than a constitutional partnership to develop. The threat is rarely dramatic. No one arrives, yet, with scissors to cut up the Autonomy Act. The greater danger is gradual: powers narrowed by interpretation, influence lost through centralisation, and special arrangements squeezed into systems never designed for them. We also notice tendencies among political parties to seek support for a more uniform Finland, for example, on language. Being a minority is equal to being questioned, which is strange in Finland whose background and history is being a minority within Russia.
Peace agreements do not fail only when someone tears them up. Sometimes they fade because no one updates them.
Åland and Finland are now working to renew the framework of self-government, our Autonomy Act. That work matters far beyond legal wording. The test of an autonomy is not how warmly it is celebrated in anniversary speeches. The test is whether it can grow when society changes. Åland is fully committed to getting this work across the finish line, and I sincerely hope the same will be true for Finland. What is good for Åland is also good for Finland.
This is perhaps Åland’s most useful heads-up to the world: signing a settlement is the beginning of peace, not the completion of it. Implementation is peacebuilding.
Administration is peacebuilding. Respecting competences on an ordinary Tuesday afternoon is peacebuilding. Development overall is peacebuilding. The grand ceremony creates the promise. Daily government decides whether the promise is kept.
Can the Åland experience then be used elsewhere? Yes, with humility.
We should not export Åland as if it were furniture from a catalogue. History, geography, power relations and human suffering are different in every conflict. It would be arrogant for us to draw other peoples’ borders from the safety of a conference room. Those who live with a conflict must own the process and shape the settlement.
But while blueprints do not travel well, principles do and from our perspective there are a few advices I finally would like to share:
Listen before grievances harden into hatred. Protect identity without building walls around it. Share power without dissolving the state. Place rights in law. Build institutions that can survive distrust. Give local people not only protection, but responsibility. Create guarantees, monitoring and ways to resolve future disputes. And leave room for the arrangement to evolve. Make trust an ingredient; without trust, I don’t think you will end up in any settlements. The Åland example has been examined in relation to many conflicts and peace processes because it expands the political imagination. It reminds us that the choice is not always between total central control and complete separation. There is space between those poles. This also applies to security.
Åland has been demilitarised since 1856 and neutralised since 1921. These arrangements were born not in a peaceful world, but from war and hard strategic calculation. They are not expressions of innocence. They are legal instruments designed to reduce tension in a sensitive region.
The security environment around the Baltic Sea has changed radically. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has shattered illusions and violated the most fundamental rules of international law. Finland and Sweden are now members of NATO. We must see the world as it is.
But realism does not mean every old peace arrangement is automatically obsolete. Åland’s status creates predictability, reinforces international law and reminds us that security can also be built through restraint.
We are not naïve. Our civil preparedness is strong, our cooperation with Finnish authorities is close and we take the security of our islands seriously. Yet we also insist that peace is not a weakness in need of apology. In troubled times, only force is sometimes considered realistic and dialogue a luxury. Yet war is brutally simple. Peace is the demanding work. It requires patience, courage, imagination and the ability to accept a result that is good enough for everyone, even when it is perfect for no one.
One hundred and five years ago, Geneva helped give Åland a future.
Today, Åland returns to Geneva with a modest message. Do not wait until every grievance has hardened into a trench. Listen early. Make room. Put rights into law. Give people responsibility for their own lives. Build institutions for the bad days, not only for the good ones. And then maintain them with patience, courage and good faith – trust. Åland is not proof that every conflict has a simple answer. It proves that conflict does not have the final word. If such imagination was possible in 1921, after a world war, amid nationalism, fear and profound distrust, then we should not accept that imagination has become impossible in 2026.
Peace is not something we inherit once and possess forever. Peace is something we choose, repair and rebuild, generation after generation. That is the lesson of Åland. That is the responsibility of Åland. And that, I hope, can still be the promise of Geneva.
Thank you.






